
Moustafa Kamal MadboulyEgypt · UNGA 81 speech
His Excellency · Prime Minister
Egypt: Palestinian issue ‘clearest example’ of dysfunction in international system
Mustafa Kamal Madbouly · Prime Minister
In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate, Mr. Khalilur Rahman, President of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly, Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Your Majesties, Excellencies, and Highnesses, Heads of State and Government, ladies and gentlemen. At the outset, I am pleased to extend my sincere congratulations to His Excellency Minister Khalilur Rahman on assuming the presidency of the current session of the General Assembly. We assure him of our full support and confidence in his ability to successfully steer the work of the session. This year, the General Assembly convenes under a theme that accurately reflects the challenge facing the international system. restoring trust and managing transformation. Our world is changing at a pace far exceeding the ability of international governance institutions to respond. Our crisis does not lie in the absence of charters and principles, but rather in the widening gap between what we proclaim and what we implement, and between those who make decisions and those who are affected by them. Our world does not need a merely symbolic multilateralism that brings together states in open discussions. Rather, it needs effective multilateralism in which every state has a voice and every people receive a fair share of decisions, opportunities, and resources. It is no exaggeration to say that confidence in the effectiveness of collective action and the multilateral system has declined. There is an urgent need to restore adherence to international law to avoid policies based on power, polarization, and double standards. It is no coincidence that the countries of the global south, which comprise the overwhelming majority of the world's population, are among those most harmed by the decline of the rule of international law, the weakening role of international organizations, and the fragility of global governance and international cooperation frameworks. From this perspective, Egypt, as a founding member of the United Nations, believes that restoring trust requires three interconnected pillars: justice in representation and decision making, justice in the application of the law, and justice in the distribution of development and transformation opportunities. This is not a call to rebuild the international system from scratch. It is a call to fulfill its original promises and purposes, notably sovereign equality among states, respect for law, peaceful settlement of disputes, international cooperation for the benefit of peoples, and enabling them to reap the benefits of accelerating scientific progress. The multilateral international system remains an indispensable choice. However, its survival depends on strengthening justice and ensuring the effectiveness and sustainability of its institutions, instead of merely repeating the principles for which it was established without making meaningful action. Mr. President, if justice and the application of rules is the litmus test of the credibility of the international system, then the Palestinian issue remains the clearest example of the existing dysfunction. What the Palestinian people have endured and continue to endure in terms of suffering, repression, and violations must not become a normalized reality or a protracted crisis managed from one cycle to the other. Securing the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip in accordance with President Trump's and the Sharm el-Sheikh Summit peace plan, ensuring full compliance with it, ending daily Israeli violations, Completing the withdrawal, guaranteeing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian aid, enabling the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza to carry out its duties, and then moving immediately toward early recovery and reconstruction, these are not merely humanitarian steps. They are also the essential gateway to a serious political process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and resolves them. In this context, Egypt reaffirms its categorical rejection of any attempt to displace the Palestinian people from their land, whether from the Gaza Strip or from the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The international community as a whole bears a clear responsibility to stop systematic Israeli violations of international law. Peace cannot be built on uprooting a people from their land. Believing that stability can be achieved in the region while ignoring the suffering of the Palestinian people and merely managing the occupation rather than ending it is nothing but illusion. The goal remains unequivocally clear: the establishment of an independent, sovereign, and territorially contiguous Palestinian state, state on the lines of. the 4th of June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, within the framework of the two-state solution and in accordance with international legitimacy resolutions. This requires preserving the unity of the Palestinian territory and the Palestinian political system, enabling the Palestinian people to manage their own affairs and build their state, and ensuring that the international community fulfills its responsibility to protect civilians, reject collective punishment, and guarantee respect international humanitarian law. It also requires recognizing Palestinian rights as inalienable rights, not as bargaining chips to be granted or withheld according to power balances, political posturing, or electoral calculations. Egypt has shouldered its responsibility alongside its partners to secure the ceasefire. It has been the largest provider of humanitarian assistance reaching the Gaza Strip. Egypt will continue to work toward reconstruction and opening a viable political horizon. However, the success of these efforts hinges on an international will capable of transforming legitimacy into decisive international action that moves from managing the tragedy to ending its causes. Mr. President, the experience of our region confirms that managing crises rather than resolving them does not create stability, rather it postpones the explosion. and increases its costs. Accordingly, Egypt remains committed to a clear vision for regional security based on state sovereignty, territorial integrity, respect for national institutions, rejection of the dismantling of states or the creation of parallel entities, and prioritizing political solutions and inclusive national settlements over the logic of force and the imposition of a fait accompli. In every crisis across the broader Middle East, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf, circumstances and details may differ, but the capable national state that embraces all its citizens and legitimate institutions remain the only true foundation for stability. Security is indivisible. The security of one state cannot be built upon the insecurity of its neighbors or upon threats to shipping, trade, and energy routes or violations of state sovereignty through attacks carried out in violation of international law. Likewise, any regional actor that believes that its political or economic interests can be achieved by undermining national state institutions, supporting militias, or promoting separatist agendas and civil conflict clearly becomes part of the problem. Confronting such actors and their practices becomes the responsibility of the international community as a whole. Therefore, regional crises cannot be treated as isolated cases. They must be viewed within an interconnected regional security environment that supports the state's institutions, unity, and sovereignty, that encourages political settlements and peace building based on the principle of national and regional ownership of solutions, ending external interferences and preventing crises from turning into arenas for regional and international competition over the resources and capabilities of the peoples of the region. The protection of states and their sovereignty is inseparable from protecting the resources upon which people's livelihoods depend. In this context, I wish to state clearly and unequivocally unequivocally that Egypt's water security is an existential issue that is not open to compromise. The Nile is not merely an economic resource. It is the lifeline upon which the existence and development of Egyptian society have depended throughout history. Egypt believes that transboundary water resources should be a field for cooperation and integration, not conflict. We also believe that water security and development are not contradictory objectives, but complementary ones when political will exists, when intentions are sincere, and when international law is respected. We do not oppose the right of any people to development. Rather, we defend a clear and just principle. that the development of one party must not be built upon causing harm to others. Shared resources cannot be managed through unilateral measures or fait accompli policies. They must be managed through cooperation, good neighborliness, and the conclusion of binding agreements in accordance with international law that preserve the legitimate rights and interests of all parties. In this regard, Egypt reserves its legitimate and internationally recognized right under the Charter of the United Nations and international law to protect its water security and preserve the existential resources of its people. Amid the multiple threats facing our region, we call the crisis of brotherly Sudan a crisis whose consequences extend beyond military confrontations to affect the security and safety of civilians and threaten to dismantle the state institutions. In confronting these threats and dangers, the Sudan has in Egypt a strong supporter of its people and their right to unity, to institutions capable of safeguarding their resources, and to a justice that upholds their dignity. Mr. President, Justice in rules is not complete if the institutions that make decisions do not fairly represent the world they govern. More than eight decades have passed since the founding of the United Nations, yet the structure of the international systems institutions, particularly the Security Council, still reflect historical balances that have become outdated. Institutions that were created for a different world cannot maintain full legitimacy and effectiveness if they do not reflect the world they are meant to serve today and represent the concerns and interests of the majority of its population. In this context, Egypt continues to advocate genuine and comprehensive reform of the Security Council. In accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, particularly to mend the historical injustice suffered by Africa. The imbalance in political representation is matched by another imbalance in the global economy. Developing countries are required to accelerate development, create jobs, finance green transitions, and adapt to crises, while simultaneously facing growing debt burdens, higher financing costs, and a shrinking fiscal space. Therefore, reforming international financial architecture is no longer a luxury, but a necessity. We need financial institutions that are more representative and responsive. We need expanded concessional financing, greater mobilization and lending capacities for multilateral development banks, and accelerated debt workout in a fair and effective manner. We need innovative financing tools. and a fairer system for assessing countries' needs and investment risks, thus enabling the mobilization of private capital without shifting risks onto the most vulnerable countries. Countries should not be forced to choose between debt servicing and financing education, healthcare, food security, and essential infrastructure. Development is not charity. It is a right and a shared interest. Investing in development is an investment in global stability and in the ability of states to prevent crises before they become cross-border humanitarian and security crises. Mr. President, as we work to correct the imbalances inherited from the last century, We must not allow them to be reproduced in the future. Artificial intelligence opens boundless horizons for growth, knowledge, innovation, and improved services. Yet, it may also create a vast new divide in power linked to computing capacity, data, models, skills, and financing. Therefore, Managing this transformation requires the establishment of governance frameworks for artificial intelligence and emerging technologies on the basis that technology is a global public benefit and not an exclusive privilege enjoyed by a limited number of states or corporations. It supports the role of the United Nations and a global dialogue to develop principles that balance innovation and responsibility, protect privacy, guarantee transparency, accountability, non-discrimination, human oversight, respect for international law, technology and knowledge transfer, financing of digital infrastructure, and skills development. This would enable developing countries to become producers and developers of technology rather than merely being markets for its consumption. Artificial intelligence should also reflect the linguistic and cultural diversity of the world. Arab and African languages and communities should receive fair representation in data and models. Egypt has launched the second edition of its national artificial intelligence strategy 2025-2030. grounded in its firm conviction that the safe and responsible use of technology and the development of national capacities are inseparable requirements. The same principle governs the green transition. There can be no just transition if ambition is dissociated from fair implementation. Climate action must go hand in hand with development, poverty reduction and job creation. Adaptation, water security, and food security must receive the priority they deserve, especially in Africa and the countries most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. Drawing on Egypt's experience in hosting the climate conference in Sharm el-Sheikh and the decision it adopted, we can affirm that the gap no longer lies in diagnosing the problem, but in implementation. especially in translating commitments into financing flows, projects, and technologies that reach the countries and communities most in need. In a world where geopolitical and technological transformations are accelerating, this must not lead us into more dangerous arms races. Therefore, Egypt reaffirms its commitment to a balanced system of disarmament and non-proliferation, free from double standards. and its commitment to the goal of establishing a Middle East free of nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction. Collective security is not achieved through the accumulation of instruments of destruction. Rather, it is achieved through equal rules, obligations applicable to all, and a political will that prioritizes the prevention of escalation rather than having a delayed reaction after crises occur. Mr. President, as Egypt presents this vision, it is not merely calling for a reform of the international system. Egypt is putting its experience and capabilities in service of solutions. Drawing upon its Arab, African, and Mediterranean heritage, its historic role in founding the multilateral international order and its principled commitment to its survival and sustainability, Egypt will remain a bridge for cooperation and a partner to all those who seek a more just and effective international system. We will continue investing in partnerships with all parties. We remain open to cooperation and exchange of expertise and working with all nations in both the global north and the global south on solutions that do not impose a single model, but respect national priorities and are based on shared ownership. Legitimacy gains meaning when it produces results. Institutions regain trust when they do justice to those they serve. Trust is not demanded, it is built through justice. Transformation is not imposed, it is managed through participation. Egypt will continue to support every effort that restores trust and effectiveness to our multilateral international system and contributes to managing the transformations of our rapidly changing world in a fair and participatory manner, serving the interests of our peoples and future generations. Before concluding, I wish to take this opportunity from this rostrum to extend our sincere thanks and appreciation to Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations, who has led the Organization through one of the most difficult and critical periods in its history with courage, integrity, and a sincere commitment to fulfilling his mandate to protect international law, preserve the standing and role of the United Nations, maintain its credibility and moral authority, and defend the principles
Prime Minister
upon which the organization was founded. These efforts will remain appreciated and remembered. As I express our profound gratitude for all that he has done, I wish him every success in his future endeavors. Thank you for your attention.